Having a social identity and trying to preserve and build on a broader Hindu identity are two critical aspects of the struggle to win Uttar Pradesh voters’ hearts and minds. Increasing efforts to woo and possibly co-opt other social groups is linked to this central strategy because the OBCs, who were not even recognized as a distinct group in the Congress years, constitute 32.9 per cent of the rural and 36.6 per cent of the urban population, respectively.
Caste Or Hindutva
As of 2009, this estimate only includes OBCs living below the poverty line in both villages and towns, not the OBC better-off castes, which are disadvantaged since they receive reservations in educational institutions and government jobs. Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) received 1.78 per cent of the vote. If the SP and its allies are to catch up with the BJP/NDA, they must close a 16.03 per cent gap. As a plus, the SP added the Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP), a former NDA component.
Mahan Dal and Janvadi Party supported SP. Akhilesh Yadav’s estranged uncle Shivpal Singh Yadav leads the Pragatisheel Samajwadi Party (Lohia), still in talks. NISHAD (what the party represents neatly fits into the Nishad caste of fishers) was acquired by the BJP outside the SBSP’s Bhagiyadari Morcha. Still, the SBSP remained loyal to its partners. Right now, that’s how the alliances look. How does the ground look? We forged BJP’s Hindutva identity in 2014, which was solidified in 2017 and 2019. Is identity-based politics gaining favour?
Villagers in the villages appear to have a dilemma between loyalty to one’s caste and voting in the election as a Hindu. Still, most voters don’t seem to be concerned with such difficulties. Gyan Singh, the former “pradhan” of Safedabad (Barabanki district), exemplifies the first trend. In past elections, he supervised voting booths for the SP, but he was not sure whether he would support the SP. A prime example of this is the PM Kisan Samman Nidhi, which provides Rs 6000 to every farmer every year in three tranches.
We receive free rations twice a month (five kg food grain and one kg lentil) in response to the pandemic. The power situation is better than it was during the SP’s time. Akhilesh Yadav inaugurated the plant in 2012 when he was chief minister. However, it seems that it has only now become fully operational. Singh made it clear where he stood on the Hindutva issue. Hindu pride has been restored; he said, thanks to the Ayodhya temple.
Another Yadav trader from Ataria (Sitapur district), 24-year-old Ajay Kumar, was equally unflinching about the Ram temple’s significance. As a result of the temple, the Brahmans and Rajputs support the BJP’s Hindutva. Few people know that a Supreme Court decision paved the path for its construction. Mishra said that it would take time for Brahmans to become disenchanted with the BJP.
The Welfare Package
UP’s raft of sops and freebies, implemented with the Centre’s support, are ostensibly as powerful as Hindutva in catching votes. In a sense, people grudgingly or willingly accept price increases. Antodaya cardholders will receive an additional 5 kg rice/wheat, 1 kg lentil, 1-litre mustard oil, salt, and sugar each from the end of November until April 2022. The underprivileged received Rs 1100 this month to purchase school supplies for their children as schools reopened.
Cash and kind benefits are provided without exploitation. Previous governments have not done an excellent job compared to this one. As an example of the benefits of direct cash transfers, Atari’s Ajay Kumar cited the PM Awaas Yojana. I built two rooms and a toilet with Rs 1,20,000 from my gram sabha. Middlemen who built the homes pocketed half the money with the ‘pradhan’s permission’.
The pradhan of Sarsuli (Sitapur) Chandrakumar Pal says the situation would worsen without free rations. The Ujjwala recipients in Kesharipur (Barabanki) said while better-off families managed their finances by setting aside money for the cylinders, the poorer families continued to burn firewood. Even the wealthy in villages had to light candles instead of diyas during Diwali due to the price increase of mustard oil.
Farmers’ Issues 
The shortage of diammonium phosphate fertilizer, the inability of the Centre to reduce diesel prices for farmers, and reluctance to announce a minimum support price was cited by Raghuram Chauhan. The BJP government failed miserably to solve the problems of farmers like me through state intervention. We pushed Hindutva and freebies to the margins because of agricultural issues. Our produce is not readily available on the open market.
As a result of the anti-cow slaughter law, farmers were also distressed by rampaging cattle. There are no shelter homes in existence, or they are run shoddily by BJP workers. Out-of-work animals regularly damage our fields. If we do not keep vigil every night, the animals prey upon our crops. Fences with barbed wire are not permitted.
Akhilesh Verma, a “pradhan” of Tikauli village (Sitapur), said this is the only issue with the government. The state of law and order under Adityanath’s leadership has been widely praised for eliminating “perennial” troublemakers and reducing communal strife. However, the question remains whether agrarian struggles will hinder the BJP’s chances of winning back an elected majority?
Article Proofread and Edited by Shreedatri Banerjee
