Iraq’s parliament storming
Despite national elections held nearly ten months ago, Iraq has been unable to form a new government. The protest on Wednesday was meant as a warning to al-Sadr’s adversaries that he cannot be ignored while they try to form a government without him.
Iraq’s parliament was stormed by thousands of followers of the influential populist Shiite cleric. At his command, the protesters dispersed just as quickly.
The strategy of mass mobilization and control is well-suited to Muqtada al-Sadr, a mercurial figure who has emerged as a powerful force in Iraq’s cutthroat political scene.
Al-Sadr stormed parliament after his Tehran-backed political rival, former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, appointed a pro-Iran politician as Iraq’s new leader.
A new government has not been formed in Iraq until nearly ten months after the national elections. Since the US invasion in 2003, the political order has been reset for the longest period of time.
With no clear path out of the impasse, the already-fragile state has become immobilized. Despite this, Iran is quietly assembling a fragmented Shiite Muslim elite, which could disturb the delicate balance between the US and Iran and usher in a new era of inter-sectarian violence.
Due to the paralysis caused largely by personal vendettas of elites, Iraq’s political system has become a high-stakes chess game with destabilizing consequences. It is impossible for Iraqis to do anything but watch.
The protest on Wednesday was a cautionary message to al-Sadr’s adversaries that he cannot be ignored as they seek to form a government without him. It is true that al-Sadr and al-Maliki are powerful on their own terms.
Al-Sadr won association most seats in October’s parliamentary elections, but squabbling political parties failed to reach the two-thirds majority needed to pick a president – an important step before naming the prime minister.
As the negotiations stalled, al-Sadr withdrew his bloc from parliament and announced he would be withdrawing from government-forming talks.
A man who can summon his followers seemingly with the flick of a finger, al-Sadr is capable of bringing the country to a standstill. In the capital of Baghdad, street protests have been expected since he walked out of the talks.
A group led by Shiite Iran-backed parties, the Coordination Framework alliance, is headed by Al-Maliki. With their chief impediment removed, the Framework succeeded in replacing al-Sadr’s resigned MPs. In spite of the fact that the move was legal, it was also provocative, giving the Framework the majority it needed in parliament.
Mohammed al-Sudani, Iraq’s former labor and social affairs minister, was announced as the alliance’s candidate for prime minister on Monday. As a result, al-Sadr loyalists see him as a figure through which al-Maliki can exert control.
Al-Maliki wanted the premiership himself, but audio recordings purportedly showed him cursing and criticizing al-Sadr and even his own Shiite allies. His candidacy was effectively sunk by that.
As he galvanized his followers ahead of the important Muslim holiday of Ashura, al-Sadr harnessed anger over al-Sudani’s nomination as well as religious fervor. Shiites march by the thousands to commemorate the death of Imam Hussein, the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. Emotions run high in the days leading up to the holiday.
The protest in parliament on Wednesday was unique in another way: Riot police did not intervene, and there was little violence.
According to Toby Dodge, an associate fellow at Chatham House, neither side wants to escalate bloodshed. “There were three big messages yesterday: this is theater, there was no violence, and that was deliberate on both sides,” Dodge said.
There is no connection between this fight and society as a whole. It is between the elite. Throughout society, this elite has lost its legitimacy.”
While the Al-Maliki and Sadr camps may be able to sort out their differences, a third player is set to play a big role: the Kurds.
In addition to the KDP and PUK, there are also deep divisions among the Kurdish parties. The first step would be to agree on a candidate for Iraq’s presidency. KDP previously allied with al-Sadr, while PUK is part of al-Maliki’s Framework coalition.
Al-Sadr and al-Maliki cannot afford to be excluded from the political process because both have much to lose.
In Iraq’s state institutions, civil servants are entrenched on both sides, deployed to stall decision-making and create bureaucratic obstacles when necessary.
By the time his eight-year tenure as prime minister ended in 2014, al-Maliki had built an omnipresent deep state in which civil servants were integrated into key institutions, including the judiciary. Meanwhile, al-Sadr planted a parallel deep state whose appointments peaked in 2018.
Therefore, the Framework understands that even without a presence in parliament, al-Sadr will have significant power within the state, as well as on the streets, if al-Maliki’s supporters decide to move forward without him.
Additionally, both sides have lost some popular support following massive protests against the government in 2019 that was put down by security forces and left 600 dead.
Elections in October 2021 clearly demonstrated that impact. In spite of winning the largest share of seats, Sadr’s vote totals fell several thousand short of those in the previous election. Only 43% of the population turned out.
The Framework has signaled its readiness to move forward with government formation despite the consequences. As a member of the Framework, Mohammed Sadoun called Wednesday’s protest an attempted coup but said it wouldn’t deter the alliance.
There will be no tolerance for it. He said, “We are in the process of forming a government, and we have sufficient numbers to elect the president and vote for the next government.”.
The alliance is getting ready for instability through communication and messaging.
“They do not expect streets to be quiet, so they are putting together for it,” said Hamdi al-Malik, an associate fellow with the Washington Institute.
A quick nomination of al-Sudani is a testament to Iran’s efforts to bring together Shiite parties. After losing two-thirds of their seats in the election, Iranian-backed parties had a dramatic turnaround.
In recent months, Esmail Ghaani, commander of Iran’s paramilitary Quds Force, which is part of the Revolutionary Guard and answers only to Khamenei, has made frequent trips to Baghdad.
An official close to the negotiations who spoke on condition of anonymity said his mission was to keep the parties united and agree on a premier candidate.
Ghani was in the capital during the protests, and he warned faction leaders not to provoke al-Sadr, according to one official.
Importance of aircraft carrier
IAC-1 has been delivered to the Navy and will be named INS Vikrant after India’s first aircraft carrier after commissioning. India has joined a small group of nations that can build aircraft carriers, which are core components of a ‘blue water navy.
On Thursday (July 28), the Indian Navy received IAC-1, it is first indigenously built aircraft carrier, from Cochin Shipyard Ltd. A new carrier, called ‘Vikrant’ after commissioning, has been handed over to the Navy ahead of schedule. It is likely that the commissioning will take place on Independence Day.
The aircraft carrier, which completed its fourth and final sea trials three weeks ago, places India among a select group of nations capable of designing and building these large, powerful warships. “A momentous day in Indian Maritime History and indigenous shipbuilding coinciding with #AzadiKaAmritMahotsav,” tweeted an Indian Navy spokesperson.
A navy’s ability to conduct air dominance operations far from its home shores is enhanced by an aircraft carrier, which is one of the most potent marine assets.
For a navy to be considered “blue water” – that is, a navy with the capacity to project a nation’s strength and power across the high seas – it is essential to have an aircraft carrier.
As the capital ship of a carrier strike/ battle group, an aircraft carrier usually leads. Because aircraft carriers are prized and sometimes vulnerable targets, they are usually escorted by destroyers, missile cruisers, frigates, submarines, and supply ships.
Currently, only five or six nations are capable of manufacturing aircraft carriers, and India has joined the club. The Indian Navy has demonstrated its capability and self-reliance by building a battleship considered one of the most advanced and complex in the world, according to experts and Navy officials.
It has also had aircraft carriers in the past, but they were either built by the British or the Russians. As the Soviet-Russian warship ‘Admiral Gorshkov,’ the INS Vikramaditya was commissioned in 2013 and is the Navy’s only aircraft carrier.
Vikrant and Viraat, India’s two earlier carriers, were originally built by the British as HMS Hercules and HMS Hermes. The two warships were commissioned into the Navy in 1961 and 1987, respectively.
IAC-1 is equipped with over 76 percent indigenous material and equipment, according to the Navy. There are 23,000 tonnes of steel, 2,500 kilometers of electric cables, 150 kilometers of pipes, and 2,000 valves, as well as rigid hull boats, galley equipment, air conditioning, refrigeration plants, and steering gear.
More than 50 Indian manufacturers were directly involved in the project, and about 2,000 Indians were employed directly on board IAC-1 each day, according to the Navy. There were over 40,000 indirect jobs created as well.
Approximately 80-85 percent of the project cost of approximately Rs 23,000 crore has been reinvested in the Indian economy, according to the Navy.
It was designed by the Indian Navy’s Directorate of Naval Design (DND) and built by Cochin Shipyard Limited (CSL), a public sector shipyard under the Ministry of Shipping.
After it is commissioned, it will be named ‘INS Vikrant,’ the name of India’s much-loved first aircraft carrier, which was decommissioned in 1997 after many decades of service.
Vikrant, a Majestic-class 19,500-tonne warship acquired in 1961 from the UK, played a crucial role in the 1971 War with Pakistan. ‘Vikrant’ was deployed in the Bay of Bengal, and its two Sea Hawk fighter squadrons and Alize surveillance aircraft were used to attack ports, merchant ships, and other targets and to prevent Pakistani forces from escaping.
When the IAC-1 started her first sea trial last year, the Navy hailed it as a “proud and historic day for India as the reincarnated Vikrant sails for her maiden sea trials in the 50th year of her illustrious predecessor’s key role”.
A 44,500-tonne vessel with a capability to carry 34 aircraft, including fighter jets and helicopters, the new warship is comparable to India’s existing carrier ‘INS Vikramaditya.’
Once commissioned, IAC-1 will operate the Russian-made MiG-29K fighter aircraft and Kamov-31 Air Early Warning Helicopters, both of which are already on the ‘Vikramaditya.’
MH-60R Seahawk multirole helicopters manufactured by Lockheed Martin and Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd’s Advanced Light Helicopter (ALH) will also be operated by the new ‘Vikrant.’
Navy officials say the warship will be an “incomparable military instrument with its ability to project Air Power over long distances, including Air Interdiction, Anti-Surface Warfare, offensive and defensive Counter-Air, and Airborne Anti-Submarine Warfare.
Indian Navy has been seeking approval to build a third aircraft carrier since 2015. If approved, it will become the country’s second indigenous aircraft carrier (IAC-2). A giant 65,000-tonne carrier named ‘INS Vishal’ is proposed, much larger than both IAC-1 and INS Vikramaditya.
Navy officials have been trying to convince the government that a third carrier is “operationally necessary.” According to former Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Karambir Singh, the Navy cannot remain tethered. Indian navy officials say aircraft carriers are the best way to venture far out on the oceans, which is important for projecting power.
A “change in mindset” is needed for the government to understand the need for IAC-2, Navy sources had earlier told The Indian Express. It was suggested by the former Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat that the Lakshadweep and Andaman & Nicobar islands could instead be made as relentless naval assets instead of investing in another aircraft carrier.
According to Navy officials, persistent air power is needed day and night to defend the vast Indian Ocean Region. According to them, a third carrier will provide the Navy with surge capability, which will be essential in the future.
Also, it is argued that India should not lose its capability to build such vessels now that it has developed them. In addition, the Navy and the country should not waste the expertise acquired over the past 60 years in the “art of maritime aviation.”
There are 11 aircraft carriers in the United States Navy, while China is developing its own aircraft carriers aggressively as well. It currently has two carriers, a third is being built, and two more are expected within a decade.
It will be over ten years before the Indian Navy commissions the IAC-2 warship, even if the project is given the go-ahead now.
edited and proofread by nikita sharma
